Why
BJP Lost? No Anti Gandhi Anger to Harvest
Saeed Naqvi
Recent by-election reverses for the BJP
are early intimations of mortality for the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah duet. As a
senior BJP leader whispered: “They must come down to earth.” In other words, a
degree of realism may now be introduced into the proceedings.
The May Parliamentary elections were
peculiar in some ways. The outcome was expected and yet the scale of the BJP
victory was something of a shock.
What magic potion was administered to
all senior leaders of the BJP (except Arun Jaitley and Rajnath Singh) at the
Goa conclave of the party in June 2013, remains a mystery to this day. They first
threw a fit at Modi’s candidature but were soon miraculously tamed.
Began one of the world’s most
comprehensive 24X7 media campaigns to market a Prime Minister. The campaign was
sustained at a frenetic pitch for a full year. With his unbelievable reserves
of energy, Modi kept pace.
Did this advertizing Blitz alone
overwhelm the electorate? There were other reasons.
The campaign for Modi gathered force in
geometrical progression because of the electorate’s profound disgust with the incumbent
Congress, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, and, above all, the Gandhi family.
Natwar Singh has in his memoirs
corrected a story circulated by the coterie around Sonia Gandhi that she
refused the Prime Ministership after the 2004 elections because of an “inner voice”.
According to Natwar it was Rahul Gandhi who stopped his mother from accepting
the job.
After the assassinations of Indira
Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, it was understandable that both, Rahul and Priyanka
Gandhi should stop their mother from taking any risks.
What was annoying, however, was the
pretense the family maintained about Rahul Gandhi as the future Prime Minister.
He was simply not interested.
If the Gandhi siblings were anxious not
to expose their mother to any peril, would Sonia Gandhi allow her son to take such
a risk? Neither Sonia Gandhi nor Rahul ever clarified that the Congress Vice
President would ever be a Prime Ministerial candidate. And yet they would not
encourage an alternative leadership to evolve. Exasperated Congressmen
privately seethed with rage.
In 1985, a year after Indira Gandhi’s
assassination, Mikhail Gorbachev emerged as the reformist leader of the Soviet
Union. After Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to Moscow and Gorbachev’s return visit to New
Delhi, T.N. Kaul, Ambassador to Moscow, floated an idea that both Rahul and
Priyanka, teenagers then, would be safer in Moscow while the Punjab insurgency
lasted.
The point is that the entire Gandhi
family had very understandable concerns about personal security after Indira
Gandhi’s murder. This turned to paranoia after Rajiv’s murder in 1991.
It
would have made perfect sense for the family to concern themselves with
Congress party affairs, and promote an alternative leadership for electoral
politics.
Instead, the family pretended to be
interested in the top job for Rahul without any inner conviction that Rahul was
upto it both, for want of ability and, ofcourse, for personal security
concerns.
This confusion at the top created by the
Gandhi family combined with the governance deficit of the Manmohan Singh
apparatus, to give Modi an unbridled electoral advantage.
Communal polarization as a vote
generator was identified fairly early, particularly in UP. In fact, after the
Faizabad riots over a year ago, Yogi Adityanath had given notice:
“UP ab Gujarat banega
Faizabad
shuruaat kare ga”
(UP will now be like Gujarat,
and Faizabad will the starting point)
Modi had thus far largely dwelt on a
development theme but the mega riot in Muzaffarnagar provided the Hindutva foot
soldiers with a communal torch to carry from constituency to constituency in UP
and beyond.
These, then, were the ingredients which
brought Modi to power – an unprecedented media campaign; universal disgust with
the Gandhi family; promise of development on the Gujarat model; carefully
choreographed communalism to polarize votes with Congress and Mulayam Singh cast
as “Muslim appeasers”; a clever system of splitting Muslim votes.
Each one of these ingredients were
missing in the recent by elections. For instance, there is no Muslim population
to polarize against in, say, Uttarakhand. There was no corporate backed media blitz.
The Congress, particularly the Gandhis, are now too diminished to work as a
“hated” foil. People feel they have been short changed with promises of “achche
din” which have receded. Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav combined in Bihar as did
Mulayam Singh Yadav with Mayawati, the latter by not contesting. And “Love
Jihad” simply did not look like a credible allegation against a battered and
bruised community.
Above all, the voter recoiled on
intemperate speech and rank bad manners on the part of Yogi Adityanath, Sakshi
Maharaj and their cohorts.
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