Loss
In Delhi Bad For Parivar, Not The BJP
Saeed Naqvi
That was a tsunami. Tsunamis subside.
Modi has risen phenomenally, riding that and another wave. A third is due,
maybe after the Delhi elections.
The first wave he crested when he became
Chief Minister of Gujarat without ever having contested an election. This was
26 days after the two planes brought down the twin towers in New York on
September 11, 2001 – 9/11, in brief.
The US air strikes against Afghanistan
began on October 7, exactly the day Modi became Chief Minister. Ofcourse there
is no connection between the two. And yet, there is. The saturation TV coverage
pummeling Muslim societies created for the BJP a favourable atmosphere. The BJP
hoped to win the crucial election to the UP Assembly due in February 2002.
Rajnath Singh was the Chief Minister in Lucknow. To his and his party’s dismay,
BJP lost the election which had been fought on a hard platform, Ram Mandir
included.
The Kar sewaks assembled at Ayodhya for
victory and Ram Mandir celebrations were stunned by the election reversal
announced on February 24/25, 2002. Imagine the black mood in which the Kar
Sevaks boarded Sabarmati Express which reached Godhra on the morning of
February 27. Gujarat BJP was waking upto two defeats in bye elections. Modi won
Rajkot narrowly. Then the Godhra train carnage took place and the Gujarat
pogrom.
The lesson from the electorate’s
rejection of the hardline in UP should have been a sober and softer line in the
future. But, no, the 96 year old head of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Keshvaram
Kashiram Shastri thought otherwise. The global war on terror was a boon. In an
atmosphere so conducive for Hindu consolidation a harder, not softer, line was
required.
I met Jayanti Ravi, collector of Godhra
when Gujarat was still smouldering. The investigations, she said bitterly, had
instantly been handed over to Vijay Vipul, DIG anti terror squad. Terror was
the flavor of the season. So, terror it was for Godhra and Gujarat too.
Then Modi rode the second crest with
even greater aplomb. This one was to deliver unto him the Prime Ministership of
India.
A timid Manmohan Singh carrying on his
forehead labels of scams he may not have committed, made for a soft target.
Worse was the Nehru-Gandhi family. Yes
he will; no he won’t, but he might – this exasperating indecision of Rahul
Gandhi made for a silly side show in the middle of what should have been a do
or die campaign. He made a fool of himself with FICCI, CII, in the Arnab
Goswami interview, the high point of his life being a night of great simplicity
he spent with David Miliband in a Dalit hut.
The mother would disappear to far off
hospitals and reappear without the nation being any the wiser as to what the
ailment was and whether a transition was round the corner.
Election after election was being lost
but the mother and son duet would neither disappear nor connect. A private
social group remained more important than the more public, but supine political
group. It was appalling for the country’s oldest party to be neither in nor out
of reckoning. Meanwhile corruption charges, beginning with Bofors, would just
not go away.
It was this universal anger with
Congress leadership that Modi’s campaign managers brilliantly harvested. Add to
this the greatest media campaign ever mounted.
The helpful Sonia-Rahul negative image
is, alas for Modi, now out of the way. A Muzaffarnagar like polarization cannot
be repeated in quick succession. This is too gentle a country. Even Kali and Durga have their seasons.
The open season given to Yogi
Adityanath, Sakshi Maharaj and a Sadhvi adept at abusive diction will never be
tolerated by the world’s oldest civilization.
The writing has been clear on the wall
since the bye elections in UP. A reversal in Delhi will not be such a bad thing
for the BJP. It will enable the party to off load those interests who by their
vulgarity neutralize gains like the Obama visit and who have all too frequently
made the BJP look embarrassingly inelegant.
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