Context
Of Indira Gandhi’s Emergency Which Changed Indian Politics
Saeed Naqvi
Ofcourse there was an Indian, regional
and global context in which Indira Gandhi declared a state of Emergency on June
25, 1975?
The 70s were a decade of fierce
contest between the West and the Soviet Union. The Cold War was going badly for
the West – Vietnam, Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Nicaragua had all returned
Communist governments.
The June 14, 1976 cover of Time
magazine had a menacing photograph of Italian Communist leader, Enrico
Berlinguer with a headline in thick, red fonts: The Red Threat. Franco and Salazar
had died, leaving Spain and Portugal exposed to the blandishments of the Left.
Secretary General of the French communist party, George Marchais was a
formidable force.
Baath socialists in Baghdad and
Damascus, pro Soviet regimes in Algeria and Libya – all tended to give the
balance of advantage to Moscow, even though the US had scored a major victory
by having Anwar Saadat sign the peace accord with Israel in 1979.
Stand-alone comedians in
Washington continued to titillate the audience on detente which, at that stage was
going badly. A standard joke was: “détente is like going to a wife swapping
party and returning home alone.”
The United States had learnt its
lessons in Africa, West Asia and Latin America. In many countries listed above
there were either nascent or full blown communist movements or anti American
regimes like the ones in Baghdad, Damascus, Tripoli and Algiers.
The Shah of Iran’s Secret
Police, Savak, dreamed up a plan to eliminate the Left – Khalq, Parcham and a latent
Shola e Javed – from around the establishment in Kabul. Accidental death of a
trade union leader, Mir Akbar Khaibar, resulted in the plan being exposed. Communists,
Aslam Watanjar and Abdul Qadir of the Afghan armed forces, acted pre emptively.
They trained their tanks on President Daud and his close supporters who were
killed in the Palace. Nur Muhammad Taraki of Khalq became Prime Minister. This
happened in April 1978. In Islamabad, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s judicial
assassination inaugurated the era of Zia ul Haq’s Islamism. The Ayatullahs came
to power in Tehran in 1979.
Where was India in all of this?
It turns out that the intense east-west contest of the 70s may well have begun
in India. In 1969, Indira Gandhi split the congress along ideological lines.
The right wing, business friendly party bosses, the Congress (O), searched for
and found likeminded groups they could coalesce with – Jana Sangh (which later
became the BJP), RSS, (BJP’s ideological mentors), Socialists (in their anti
communism, close to all the groups listed above), and the professional
Gandhians, Hindu and austere.
This coalition acquired urgency
because Indira Gandhi had begun to lean directly on the Communist Party boss,
S.A. Dange. Colleagues like Mohan Kumaramangalam, P.N. Haksar were strong
leftist influences on her.
Global moves, counter moves were
on. Henry Kissinger was plotting a Washington, Beijing, Moscow triangle. Just
then the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation was signed. With
Soviet help, India liberated Bangladesh.
On the one hand, India was now
in a vice-like grip of the Soviet Union, on the other, Secretary General of the
Communist party in Bihar, Jagannath Sarkar, had taken up the land question with
sufficient success to worry the Congress.
Between the Deendayal Upadhyay Institute
in Jhandewalan, Gandhi Peace Foundation and Ram Nath Goenka’s apartment in the
Indian Express building, a scheme was hatched to resurrect Jaya Prakash Narayan
as a counterpoint to Indira Gandhi who seemed invincible after the Bangladesh
operations.
Anti Vietnam war youth movements
at Grosvenor Square, London, the barricades in Paris building upto the Kent
State university shooting in 1970 which killed four anti Vietnam (Kampuchea)
war protestors, were far away to infect youth movement in India. And yet, by
1973 a powerful youth movement was taking shape in Gujarat ignited by students.
They were protesting against inadequate hostel facilities. Mysteriously, the
dissolution of the State Assembly became a prime demand. The Congress (O)
leader Morarji Desai went on indefinite hunger strike. The Assembly was
dissolved. Agitationists had tasted blood.
JP, ofcourse, had visited
Gujarat to pick up tricks he might employ in the Bihar agitation which
initially targeted the country’s most innocuous Chief Minister, Abdul Ghafoor.
JP invited Morarji Desai to be chairman of the Sangharsh Samiti (Action
committee). The senior most RSS leader Nanaji Deshmukh, was its convener.
It was Naanji Deshmukh and his
RSS cadres on whose shoulders the Bihar movement was carried. JP had very
kindly invited me to stay with him in his family house in Kadam Kuan. I
therefore had a ringside seat on the JP movement
Peter Hazlehurst of The Times,
London, described Indira Gandhi’s politics in a pithy phrase: she is a little
left of self interest.
It was her dependence on the
left and the Soviet Union, that the JP movement sought to bring under strain.
Relentless pressure was kept up,
first by a successful Railway strike in May 1974 led by the firebrand George
Fernandez. The Allahabad High Court judgement of June 12, 1975 unseated her
from Parliament for misuse of office during her election to Parliament.
On June 25, an unnerved Indira
Gandhi, imposed the emergency.
When elections were held in
1977, the electorate trounced Indira Gandhi. The coalition woven by JP during
the Bihar movement came to power in Delhi as the Janata Party under Morarji
Desai. Atal Behari Vajpayee, L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi became Ministers.
Indian politics had taken a turn it was not going to recover from in a hurry.
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