Congress President Who Sought United India To The
Bitter End
Saeed Naqvi
Sunday, November
11 happens to be Maulana Azad’s birth anniversary, forgotten this year as it
has been in the pat. The Maulana is an inconvenient name to remember at a time
when Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel towers above every national leader.
When former
Vice President, Hamid Ansari, released Hindi, Urdu and Malayalam translations
of my book: Being the Other: the Muslim in India, he quoted from a speech Patel
had made on August 11, 1947, four days before Partition. Some TV channels went
ballistic. The quote is actually quite well known: “To be United, India would
have to be divided.” Patel was tracing how the consensus to “divide” India came
about. No, but Ansari should not upturn conventional wisdom that “Jinnah was
the culprit”. If it were the evil Jinnah who created Pakistan, it follows that
the CWC, the Iron man included, were busting their guts to keep a United India
and Jinnah outfoxed them.
Mountbatten’s
June 3, 1947 plan sought a division of India largely along religious lines. The
Congress Working Committee swallowed the plan hook, line and sinker. Of the two
Muslim leaders present at the CWC, Frontier Gandhi Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
wailed, “you have thrown us to the wolves.” Maulana Azad smoked a box of
cigarettes and said nothing. Supposing the two, vehemently opposed to
Partition, had walked out of the meeting in protest, what interpretation would
future historians have placed on the remaining CWC composition?
Jawaharlal
Nehru valued Azad for his intellect. Some of Nehru’s admiration for Azad comes
across even in his intimate letters from Ahmednagar jail to his daughter,
Indira. “Maulana is an extraordinarily interesting person. The more I know him,
and I have known him now for over 21 years, the more I find in him. He has an
astonishing memory and his information on a variety of subjects is encyclopedic.
He is soaked in the lore of the middle ages…… he has Plato and Aristotle on his
fingertips and is perfectly at home at Cordoba of Arab Spain…….it seems such a
pity that with such vast learning and a very unusually keen mind and a powerful
style, he should have written so little”
At one point Nehru
reveals he is keen to learn Sanskrit from Acharya Narendra Dev and Persian from
Azad. Nehru then gives vent to his afterthought: “But Azad is too erudite.”
The paradox is
that despite such admiration for Azad, Nehru still found time to let him down
repeatedly. It was a delicate package, that Azad, as Congress President, had
negotiated with the Cabinet Mission and Viceroy Lord Wavell to keep India
united. Nehru torpedoed it by raising contentious issues at a Press Conference in
Bombay (Mumbai).
Azad was
shocked when the entire CWC accepted the Mountbatten plan without fuss.
“Partition over my body” kind of sham was instantly abandoned. In fact,
Rajendra Prasad came down strongly on a suggestion Mountbatten and Azad had
made: that a United Armed Forces for a short period would obviate the massacres
which eventually followed. “Not for a day” after August 15, 1947 would the
Congress government tolerate a United Army, Prasad thundered. He wanted Partition
to be sealed irreversibly. It was no concern of the CWC that an army, abruptly
separated along sectarian lines would be sucked into the horrendous violence
that followed as a partisan force on both sides.
Mahatma Gandhi’s
Secretary, Mahadev Desai wrote about Azad: “There was no other in the Congress
to match Maulana’s insights and wise counsel.” Stalwarts like C.R. Das and
Motilal Nehru deferred to him on many issues. On his wisdom and erudition, Sarojini
Naidu was at her wittiest, “Maulana was 50 years old when he was born.”
It was this
vast reservoir of wisdom that Nehru relied on when Home Minister Kailash Nath
Katju decided to bar foreign missionaries in India, “if evangelism is their
purpose.” The statement created a furore among Christian missionaries. Nehru singled
out Maulana to handle the situation. The letter that Azad wrote to Cardinal
Valerian Gracias is reproduced on page 79 of my book, Being the Other. It is a
masterpiece of reasoning and logic on the question of conversion. Azad had
settled the issue over 60 years ago.
He made a
distinction between religious conversion, which requires deep reflection on
issues of theology and what the constitution calls “mass conversions”. The latter
is a response to a social and political provocation.
It is possible
that Maulana was not suited to the rough and tumble of politics which demands
fickleness generally dressed up as flexibility. Maulana was incapable of
deviating from his core principles – Hindu-Muslim unity as the bedrock of
Indian nationalism.
Dr. Rajesh
Kumar Pruthi, Director General of National Archives published a rare collection
of the Maulana’s letters in Urdu. The preface, by Dr. Pruthi is by itself quite
masterly. As evidence of Maulana’s consistency he cites a passage from the
Maulana’s address as President of the Congress at a session held in Delhi on 15
December, 1923:
“If an angel
came down from heaven and, from the height of the Qutub Minar, announced that
if the Congress abandons its platform of Hindu-Muslim Unity Swaraj or independence
would be granted in 24 hours, I would turn my back on that Swaraj. Shunning it for
the cost being demanded may delay Swaraj and harm India’s interest for a short period
but abandoning our unity for good as a price for freedom will be a blot on all
humanity.”
He maintained
a decent silence on colleagues who had “blotted humanity”. But he did not cheat
history. He kept away in the National Archives thirty pages which expose the
men with feet of clay who faltered in the last lap towards freedom. Partition he
wrote in a press note “would be unadulterated Hindu Raj”. These pages were made
public in 1988 when he and all his colleagues had died. He may have had
grievances with Nehru but that did not prevent him from dedicating India Wins
Freedom to “Jawaharlal, friend and Comrade”.
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