Netanyahu
And MbS Have Lost Their Swagger: Has West Asia Changed?
Saeed Naqvi
In West Asia, the tide has turned
against Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammad bin Salman, Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu
and President Trump is doing nothing about it. So long as Trump’s “B” team
kicked and ranted the smell of war lurked. John Bolton, Bibi Netanyahu, bin
Sultan and bin Zayed reinforced each other’s war lust until enlightenment
dawned: Trump was using them to beat the drums of war to a deafening crescendo in
order to exert maximum pressure on those whom he was out to strike a deal with.
The “B” team despaired” because Trump wouldn’t pull the trigger.
The disabling of units at Aramco and
occupation of Najran are body blows. MbS, in the bleakness of his circumstance,
is having to eat crow. Bibi is meanwhile hobbling with corruption cases and the
elusiveness of durable power. I am not convinced that Trump is a wounded stag
quite yet. In fact, by initiating impeachment proceedings against the President,
the 79 year old House leader Nancy Pelosi may have over exposed a 76 year Joe
Biden, leaving the way open for America’s first woman President, Elizabeth
Warren, 70, now that the 78 year old Bernie Sanders must slow down with a
serious heart condition. But that’s a digression although it has a bearing on
the radically changing situation in West Asia. It may still be pre mature to
fall back on the Marxist appraisal that the immense power of the Jewish lobby
and petro dollars will turn to dross once Imperialism loses interest in the House
of Saud and Israel. That stage may not have been reached but a trend has been
noticeable.
Why did Riyadh and Tel Aviv panic at the
prospect of Iran being brought into the tent by the US regularizing its nuclear
intentions? The fact that Barack Obama-John Kerry team were creating a self-regulating
balance of power in West Asia, meant that they were shedding their
hands-on-interest in the region. “Pivot to Asia” was beckoning.
MbS’s meteoric rise was accompanying by
such high wire acts as the detention of the kingdom’s billionaires in Riyadh’s
Ritz Carlton hotel or the macabre dismemberment of dissident journalist Jamal
Khashoggi in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul. For seasoned observers of Saudi Arabia,
the abandoning of the old style of diplomacy, furtive movements behind silken
curtains, in favour of the recklessness of the Crown Prince, did foretell
dangers ahead. A fall was feared, but not a nosedive.
MbS may have been able to cover up
reversals in Syria particularly after Russians entered the proceedings. But it was
universally acknowledged that the pointless war in Yemen was going
disastrously, draining the kingdom’s coffers, building a humanitarian catastrophe
and helping create a battle tested Houthi “Vietcong” enlarging their dependence
on Iran. When future historians record the rise and fall of MbS, they will put
down his hubris to endless supply of petrodollars attracting an endless and
wasteful supply of US and British arms incapable of coping with simply
configured drones. Carelessness induced in this fashion helped further consolidate
the Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hashd al Shaabi in Iraq and Houthis in Yemen. This is
the Shia arc Saudis should be worried about not the Iran, Lebanon, Syria and
Hamas, which is Israel’s brainchild for its own reasons. And Hamas is true blue
Sunni.
It is ironical that one should be
tossing a Persian saying at MbS: Der ayad, durust ayad. Arrival of wisdom,
however late is to be welcomed: the realization that the five year long war
with Yemen has been a ridiculous waste in which American arm dealers and mercenary
armies made unspeakable sums of money.
The artificial Shia-Sunni faultline was
created for two reason: to scare the oil rich GCC with Iran’s rise and sell
them arms and, secondly, to break the morale of Iran, the only county in West
Asia which stands up for Palestinian rights, much to Israel’s annoyance.
On current showing, the trick has not
worked. That which was never intended appears to be the outcome. Low key
pilgrimages, confined largely to Shias, have, in the Shia-Sunni competition,
demonstrably burgeoned. Arba’een, the 40th day of Hussain’s
martyrdom, has become an annual walk from Najaf to Karbala, a distance of 80
miles, in which last year 20 million pilgrims from all over the world
participated, far in excess of the annual Haj of Mecca. This cannot please the
Saudis.
This year, the congregation is expected
to be much bigger. Further, traffic from the shrine of Imam Raza in Mashad to
Karbala and Najaf and onto Bibi Zainab’s shrine in Damascus is likely to be
frenetic. This, because the Iraq-Syria border is now open, exactly what Riyadh
and Tel Aviv were fiercely opposed to. By mid-October, this part of West Asia
will have pilgrims in all directions, like a maze of flyovers.
One aspect of the recent disturbances in
Southern Iraq is to deter attendance at Arba’een. These uncertainties will wax
and wane so long as relations with Iran are not firmed up. Supreme leader
Ayatullah Khamenei is firm: revert to the nuclear deal as it was on May 8, 2018
and lift sanctions before any dialogue is possible. The French have offered a
compromise formula: that some of the countries who have had to impose sanctions
against Iran lift restrictions to initiate an official level conversation which
then prepares for a higher level engagement.
President Macron of France had taken the
audacious initiative to invite Foreign Minister Zarif unannounced during the August
G7 summit in France. But at the UNGA in September, President Hassan Rouhani
made a strong pitch for “regional issues to be settled by regional powers”. This
would tend to obviate a French role for the time being.
Recently UAE’s bin Zayed did send a
delegation to Tehran. Is MbS chastened enough to tread the path towards
regional peace without holding America’s hand? When that happens, West Asia
will have changed.
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