Is
The Congress Running Fast to Stand Still?
Saeed Naqvi
Do page one photographs of Sonia Gandhi,
Rahul Gandhi, Kumari Shelja, Anand Sharma and Mohsina Kidwai, the Rajya Sabha
MP from Chattisgarh, agitating against suspension of opposition members, spell
Congress revival?
Let us pick up the thread from the build
up to the election of May 2014. Everybody and his neighbour had tried cajoling
Rahul Gandhi to be a willing counter to Narendra Modi – CII, FICCI, Arnab
Goswami. But Rahul was a soufflé that wouldn’t rise. He would speak in
parables; he planned to reinvent the party from grassroots, a ten year project
which, if it fructifies, will see a 53 year old Rahul at the helm. He has not
announced any change of heart yet.
What then is this hyper activity about?
Surely, Sushma Swaraj, Vasundhara Raje and Shivraj Singh Chauhan and the
discomfiture of the Sangh Parivar on that count, are all custom made for any
opposition to seize upon. Are these treaties designed to affect the Bihar vote?
Modi harvested the Congress led United
Progressive Alliance’s discomfiture. Who in that page one photograph will reap
the benefits of their current exertions against him in and out of Parliament?
It is universally acknowledged that the
Modi campaign was carefully crafted by Corporate India, with help from a host
of outfits including APCO Worldwide Consultancy under the leaderships of
Timothy Roemer, former US ambassador to India. India was going to be
transformed into a Corporate Paradise which would provide new sinews to the
global economy in free fall (Joseph Stiglitz’s term) since 2008.
India Inc, led by Modi acolytes like the
Adani group, spent more money on the Modi campaign than has ever been spent in
the world’s electoral history.
The campaign worked because the
electorate was disgusted with the two stars in our photo-frame plus Manmohan
Singh. The Congress was reduced to a rubble. Which is why Congress’s new found
confidence, so early in the proceedings is puzzling, the scams notwithstanding.
A massive publicity campaign plus a
pulpy state of the principal opposition brought Modi to power. An Arabic saying
explains it succinctly: not love of Ali but disgust with Muaviya was the
operative fundamental.
Modi had not come to power because he
was loved by the people. Nor was he admired by senior BJP leaders he foiled
during the 2013 Goa conclave in which he was nominated the party’s Prime
Ministerial candidate, despite their opposition. He was endorsed in the hope
that he would be “strong”.
Within six months of becoming Prime
Minister, had Modi also picked up the election to the Delhi Assembly as a trophy,
the narrative today would have been very different. But the Aam Admi Party
wiped out both the Congress and the BJP, in two elections in quick succession.
This petrified the BJP, Congress, Big
Business with huge stakes in Delhi, the Police and the section of Babudom prone
to corruption. The AAP experiment had to be crushed. The media was mobilized in
this expedition. The Lt. Governor-AAP stalemate in Delhi is part of this larger
Ding-Dong.
In this fashion, a year has passed and
an impatient business community, who have seen property prices in Delhi (for
example) fall by about 40 per cent, is restive. The famous Land Bill is neither
here nor there. There is plenty of Mun ki Baat on the radio and photo ops on
foreign trips, keeping up the delusion of energy, action, policy. But nothing
of substance, except for deteriorating law and order and rising prices.
Impatience is now afflicting corporate
India. Modi’s cheer leaders in the media are turning upon him. Saner advice
coming from former insiders may well be heeded. Why must the next generations
of reforms be restricted to facilitating big business. These reforms should
focus on governance, the Panchayati Raj apparatus, education, health, rural
housing, police reform. There is no nodal point in Delhi that keeps a steady
gaze on Kashmir. The BJP-PDP government in Srinagar is floating on its own.
There is some indication the Prime Minister may make helpful announcements in
his August 15, utterances.
The important point is that the business
community, which had dreamed up the moon when Modi first came to power, is now
distributing its largesse, which include the media it controls, to those stars
in the photo frame too. To that extent the current unending agitation could
well be on queue. There is no enunciation of new strategy. Rahul will visit
Dalits, families of farmers, flood hit areas, but never victims of communal
violence, confirming the Congress as a party similar to the BJP minus the
Sadhus.
Ofcourse, no one is for a moment suggesting
that there is smoke without fire. The three scams do hang around the BJP’s
neck. But the shifting of Corporate favours away from Modi in the direction of
the Congress once again ignores the people. Are the two national parties
seeking comfort in Corporate munificence? This is at the heart of what is now
being understood even by common people as crony capitalism. Voters have
recoiled on this arrangement in Latin America, Indonesia, Greece, Scotland,
Spain – even in Delhi. They may not have discovered the third way but they are
searching for it. If the Corporates, BJP and the Congress persist with their
troika dance at the centre, the people will, over a period of time, make
themselves heard in the regions. In the long run, this is good for federalism.
But it will dilute centralized power which is the dream of the ruling class as
exemplified by the Congress and the BJP –– tweedledum and tweedledee.
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Many thanks for this piece -- it gives a perspective which is rarely seen in the media these days..
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