Maulana
Azad On The Question Of Mass Conversion
Saeed Naqvi
I was scribbling notes for a seminar on
the occasion of Maulana Azad’s birthday in February when the mind made an
extraordinary connection with a historic event I was witness to.
In February 1981, an obscure village of
Meenakashipuram, about 15 kms from Tenkasi, shot into prominence because 150
low caste Hindus converted to Islam. I was then with the Indian Express in
Chennai.
Having been trained in my alma mater,
The Statesman, to write features of such balance as not to appear to be taking
sides, I proceeded to balance the argument on Meenakshipuram too. Hindus must
do this and Muslims must do that and so on.
Next morning, I found myself in the eye
of a storm. Irathavan Mahadevan, Executive Director and a brilliant scholar on
the Indus valley script, came running down from his office upstairs, frothing
in the mouth. Every now and then, he would leap a few inches and find his feet again.
He was speechless with anger. I should have condemned the conversions, he
stuttered, and chastised the Muslim groups responsible for it.
In the Express Estates, Ram Nath Goenka
was bringing down the plaster from the ceiling. “Hindu kahaan jaaye? Hindu
kahaan jaaye?” (Where should the Hindu go?) He shook with rage: “Tum to Makka
chale jaao; Hindu kahaan jaaye?” (You can go to Mecca, but where should the
Hindu go?)
K. Sambandam, the solitary non Brahmin
member of the editorial team, spread out Dravida newspapers on my desk to prove
that the “balance” in my editorial also had a clientele among the two Dravida
parties. But I had learnt the hard way that it was wiser to steer clear of
intra Hindu arguments. Had I learnt the right lesson?
Meenakshipuram happened when the
communal cauldron was bubbling over on account of other factors – the
insurgency in Punjab, Zia ul Haq’s Nizam e Mustafa in Pakistan, social
imbalance caused by the petro dollar remittances from Gulf, the early
appearance of garish Dubai houses in Kerala. Conversions only provided the
ignition.
The 80s were marked by a spate of riots
in Moradabad, Aligarh, Maliana, Bhagalpur, climaxing in the Shilanyas or the
foundation laying ceremony for the Ram Temple in Ayodhya and finally the demolition
of Babri Masjid on 6 December, 1992. Communalism, once triggered, picks up a
life of its own particularly in the context of electoral politics.
Meenaskshipuram, however, remains unique
in the sense that no Muslim conversion on this scale had happened since
Independence, nor did one after 1981. Was it financed by Dubai remittances?
What did occur subsequently was something quite different: a spate of attacks
on Christian missionaries. These alerted leaders like Atal Behari Vajpayee
about a rash of Christian conversions in the tribal areas of Odisha, Madhya
Pradesh and Chattisgarh. Vajpayee called for a national debate on conversions.
K.N. Govindacharya of the RSS, dedicated himself to reclaiming those who had
“strayed” out of the Hindu fold.
When a similar situation arose in the
first decade of Independence, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru invited his
Education Minister, Maulana Azad to tackle the complicated situation.
What happened was this. During a debate
in the Lok Sabha on foreign Christian missionaries, Home Minister, Kailashnath
Katju said: “If missionaries come to India only for evangelical work, then I
commend to them the thought that they stop coming here.” The statement created
a furore among Christian missionaries.
Maulana Azad wrote a letter to Cardinal
Valerian Gracias in Mumbai.
"Let me assure you that we are
fully aware of the outstanding work foreign missionaries have done over the
past 150 years in education and other humanitarian fields. For years, the East
India Company was opposed to imparting education to Indians. It was a
missionary society which opened the first school and college to impart modern
education to Indians. After India's independence, many missionary societies
asked us if they would be allowed to continue their work and we encouraged them
to continue the good work.”
"The acceptable way for religious
conversion is simple: if an adult reflects on the faith he has been born into
and feels intellectually compelled to adopt another faith, he has all the
protection in the Constitution to exercise his free choice. This kind of
conversion is a function of proper balance between the heart and the mind.”
The Indian Constitution gives the right
to every individual to preach his particular faith and the recipients of such
preaching have every right to change their faith.
"But there is another method of
conversion: for social reasons or for a common cause, a large group of people
makes up its mind to defect from one religion to another. If each individual of
this group were asked to explain why he left the faith of his forebears, I am
certain he will not be able to advance a reason persuasive enough that such a
person has actually reflected on the question of religion and truth. On most
occasions such groups are composed of people who have no education, people who
are singularly incapable of making up their minds on issues that inform a
matter as serious a religious belief.” An elitist view?
But mass conversions, according to the
Maulana, “cannot be called religious conversions. Instead of conversion this
sort of a shift should be called by some other name. The Constituent Assembly
called it "mass conversions".
The Maulana settled the debate two
generations ago. How would his reasoning be received by both the sides today?
In 2002, Jayalalitha passed the
Tamilnadu Prohibition of Forcible conversion of Religion Act. K. Karuanidhi
opposed it tooth and nail.
“Forcible conversion?” Frowned Madar
Sahib, who changed his faith when he was 40. “Yes, I was forced by the upper
caste Hindus to run away from a system that treated me like a street dog?”
According to the Maulana, Madar Sahib “defected” from an unfair system. It was
not religious conversion.
Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism,
Marxism are all linear proselytizing systems. There is a problem when they come
into contact with a circular system which does not convert.
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No doubt caste-ism is a problem which is further worsened by Congress (read Khangress) policies & politicians who just used it for their vote-bank politics. Saeed Naqvi knows about such policies & politicians :)
ReplyDeleteBut at the same time, How can a book-based religion (with no rights for personal freedom, girls education, polygamy, Meeting with Allah & Virgins) can be compared with open-ended Dharma ( a way of life - not a religion).
Does Saeed Naqvi forgot about Church & its brutalities in midieval age?
Yes, there is lack of good society reformist now in Indian society, particularly Hindu & related faiths societies.... (I am not sure if other religions are not incorrigible )...
Thanks,
- A relatively less read & less educated blog reader.